Anonymous manuscript, written by an apparent veteran of the Revolutionary War, which espouses an Anti-Federalist view against the proposed Federal Constitution, ratification of which was being debated in Massachusetts, where the unknown author resided. This work is a record of one of the voices in "one of the greatest and most probing public debates in American history, one that occurred at the end of the American Revolution and involved far more than the handful of familiar "founding fathers." It is the story of how "We the People" decided whether or not to ordain and establish the Constitution of the United States."¹

               The author in this work argues many of the Anti-Federalist points chiefly that the new Constitution would strengthen the national authority going beyond the federal principle by moving away from state equality in representation. Another theme which runs through the author's work is representation: when the Anti-Federalists examined the representation in Congress, they saw an emerging aristocracy. They claimed that the democratic class, especially the middle class or the yeomanry, would have little chance of gaining election against the aristocracy, the men of wealth and of political and professional prominence. Since the middle class was substantially represented in the state governments, the Anti-Federalists argued that the powers of Congress had to be restricted to produce a proper balance between the nation and the states. The Anti-Federalist objections, touched upon in this work,  to the structure of the proposed government related either to federalism or to republicanism. As examples of the former, the Senate, despite state equality, did not satisfy federalism because the legislatures did not pay the senators and could not recall them, and because the voting was by individuals, not by state delegations. As examples of their republicanism, the Anti-Federalists feared the Senate, with its six-year term, plus reeligibility, and its substantial powers, especially regarding appointments and treaty-making, as a special source of aristocracy.

              The author makes his case in a strong vernacular style and employs his own idiosyncratic spelling.

       This work was written in the period after the Constitutional Convention finished its work in September 1787 during which the states began to convene their ratification conventions. Ratification by the conventions in Pennsylvania, Massachusetts, and Virginia was essential for these three states contained most of the nation's people and much of its wealth.

       The Federalists had powerful allies in the newspapers, some ninety-eight in number, most of which printed the Constitution in toto shortly after September 17. In Philadelphia, Boston and New York the leading journals soon printed essays favoring the Constitution and denouncing the opposition Anti-Federalists as obstinate "placemen" fearful of losing their jobs or "wrongheaded" on other grounds. By January of 1788, Delaware, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Georgia and Connecticut had ratified the Constitution.

        Before they could enjoy these triumphs, the Federalists learned that the failure to include a bill of rights, the fears of an overbearing "consolidated" government, and a variety of local circumstances would slow ratification and might jeopardize the whole process in Massachusetts and beyond. Governor John Hancock delivered the Constitution to a joint session of the Massachusetts legislature on October 18, 1787. As soon as the date for the Ratification Convention was set, essays on the Constitution began filling the pages of Massachusetts newspapers. The Massachusetts convention was the first to meet in a state where there was significant opposition to the Constitution. If Massachusetts failed to ratify other states, such as New Hampshire, and New York would probably follow, placing its ratification in great doubt. Massachusetts became the focal point of Federalist efforts, for rumblings from town meetings indicated that opposition was greater than anticipated. Anti-Federalists were a potential majority of the convention that met in Boston on January 9, 1788. The state was also just getting over Shay's Rebellion of 1786-87 and tensions and strains from this event remained high especially in western Massachusetts.  A phalanx of Harvard trained lawyers, supported by commercial and shipping interests, accepted a set of recommendatory amendments to weaken the major Anti-Federalist positions, and on February 6, 1788 the Federalists won, 187-168. (For a full account of the Massachusetts Ratification Convention see Pauline Maier's Ratification The People Debate the Constitution 1787-1788, who provides a lively account of the events in three chapters.)

           The author after a brief introductory paragraph begins by questioning the legitimacy of the Constitutional Convention and condemns the replacement of the Articles of Confederation and the previous government:

       "Sir: as that Honour,^d Convention of 12 of ye States in ye federal union ware chosen by ye sd States to Consult on and Revise ye federal authority and Render it more affectual and permanent, have offered to our consideration and mature Deliberation, an intire new model Constitution, with without any Special Reference to the former Confederation, which Demands our most Serious Consideration, and enlightened understandings and Judgments, in this most waty, most Searious most binding of all things that ever came before ye people of ye United States of America and to them of ye Gratest importance.

                  Suffer me then Sir,

       On this most Searious and important occation to address myself to you and my Brethren of the United States and Sir Before I take up ye new Constitution I would mention the stile of ye old Confederation which is, ye stile of this Confederacy shall be, the United States of America and ye last article of that Confideration is - Every State shall abide by ye Determination of ye United States in Congress assembled, on all Questions which by this Confederation are submitted to them and the articles of this confederation shall be inviolably observed by Every State and ye union shall be perpetual, nor shall any alteration at any time here after be made in any of them, unless such alteration of or Be agreed to in a Congress of the United States and Be afterwards confirmed by ye legislators of Every State  and now Sir ye Searious Consideration of ye stile of our Confederacy and our faith pledg in this last article of ye federal union may bring us to consider whether we have a just Right to violate our former Compact and and agreement and which has so long supported our independence and gained our alliances with foreign nations, and ennabled us to borrow money of them to pay our men Soldiers, and other debts we had contracted and furthermore if ye power that Congress is invested with is not Sufficient to levy taxes, lay imposts, Rais funds for a Revenue to defray our foreign debts ought we not to Exart all our endeavours in the federal Capacity to give and grant to that august body power sufficient to do it which will make us Respectable in ye Eyes of all in the Eyes nations, but on ye other hand, if we brake our compacts our considerations our alliances and union with our own States whom from abroad will trust us, and what hethen nation will not Dispise us ..." [sic]

              The author begins, (with the Preamble) to relate his objections to the new Constitution, and in a "preamble" of his own he states the Federal Constitution would break up the Union by its replacement of the old Confederation, before proceeding section by section to delineate in detail his reasons for opposing the new Constitution.

            The preamble of the Constitution was significantly revised by the committee of style during the final days of the convention. "Instead of referring to the people of the states listed individually, the final wording imagined a single American people exercising their sovereign power, as proclaimed in the Declaration of Independence, "to institute new Government" better designed to protect their essential rights and interests".¹  The author of the present work anticipates a heated topic of constitutional dispute and political debate of the early nineteenth century: the question of whether the formula "We the People" improperly usurped the innate sovereignty of the original states:

          "... I would begin with the new preposed plan of government ye preamble or introduction to it is We, the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect union, Establish Justice, insure domestick tranquility, provide for the common defence, promote ye general welfare, and secure ye blessings of liberty to our selves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America ----

      With this preamble join ye last article of ye constitution which is the Ratification of ye conventions of nine States shall be sufficient for the Establishment of this Constitution between the States so ratifying the Same --- which brakes the former union and introduces an intire new mode of governing, and will set ye other four states a side Deprive them of ye name and title we have given them or rather confederated with to them to bair the same title as Brethren together ye United States of America, which if not continued is a break of faith and compact which we do desolve and set aside if even one State should Refuse to Receive the preposed Constitution there fore my Brethren consider well with your selves your Neighbours posterity or posterity, to swallow Down a thing Because it is new befor you have Perusd it studied and Dijested it, what is it you would intail to your posterity is freedom and Religion, and a code of good laws to protect and Defend their persons and property and to secure to them their Liberty and Rights then look on them, vew them, Read them, see that they are worth entailing to posterity But alas where shall we find them, are  they now extant in this town, or are they in the State or even on file in ye Journals of ye State no they are yet loct up in the heart and Brest of some of our fellow Subjects who may be chosen to compile them and give them barth, Shall we then Receive this fruit before it hath a Being and eat it which is the bad most Dificult and hardest thing to Digest that man can take and often if not Brought Back by the way it goes Down Deprives ye person of breath and Being  then let us wake out of our Lethergy vew our Situation with carefulness and honesty and uprightness let each of us put on honesty for our Daly garb seek the welfare of our neighbour as ourselves and willingly contribute to ye good of the whole of ye American States and see if peace and harmony doth not return to our States for it is Righteousness that Exal[t]eth a nation But Sin is a Reproach to any people then let us lay a side this Dedly Enemy that involves our land in Confusion and Blood    let us vew ourselves abroad how are we known are we known by the United States of America or are we known by the thirteen United States of America for proof of this let us turn to the treaties of alliance with his most Christian majesty there you will find the title is ye thirteen United States of North America and youl find every State in that Compact cald by name, and as every State is in that compact how shall we dare to infringe on that treaty and shall we not Do it, if by any of our proceeding we desolve ye union with every any State, and is it not desolved if any one State will not take ye Cup and drink his portion Judge for your Selves of these things Gentelmen and Read all Treaties and Compacts between ye thirteen United States and foreign powers, consider then whether it will be best to Renew and strengthen ye former federal compact or adopt a new one true it is that publick affairs are very gloomey and dark at this day, and if an intire new government must be erected let us vew the one that is presented with calmness and Deliberation" [sic]

            The author then proceeds to Article 1, Section 1, and here in passionate language he writes of the sacrifices of his fellow soldiers in the Revolutionary War which secured the freedoms and liberties enjoyed by America he touches upon class distinctions, and asks: "Doth not government spring from the people?"  He confines himself in this work to examining Article 1 of the Constitution which defined the structure and powers of Congress and which in many ways is the most important.

             The author seems to have had an entirely different understanding of article 1 section 1, than is understood today. "Read narrowly, the legalistic phrase "herein granted" simply indicates that the national government will possess a specific set of legislative powers. But read broadly, it also illustrates the basic premise of American constitutional thinking. Government does not claim an unlimited or inherent authority to legislate; it wields only such powers as the people entrust to it." ²

      "Article first ye first Sect is all legislative powers here in granted shall be vested in a congress of the united States which shall consist of a Senate and house of Representatives, now in justice to Every indvidial indevedual member of the thirteen States let us calmly consider, have we a write to except this title of United States without every State excepts it for if one State swallows not this Dose ... can we with propriety Discard them is their not hundred, of as worthy members in such a state as in the State which most Readily Receive it nay and much more so perhaps their may be hundreds who have offerd their all and are Reduced to a near State of Beggery by that means and many others who with one part of their blood have seald your liberty and independence in ye field of Battel where many of you Dare not be seen further more are their not many widows and orphans in such a state whose husbands and parents have seald your liberty and independence in the field of action with their lives all to ad to your temporal happiness and will you yet Discard them in their minority Because a majority of the State is not of your opinion in which they Dwel o yea heaven forbid this and ye  yea endearing  ties of human humanity Restrain the passions of an un relenting mind, my hart is fild at the thought of the Distresses of my Brother Soldier when I Recollect our feteagues and long travels and more Especially to Recollect when standing Shoulder to Shoulder our blood running others wallowing in their blood brething out their Dying groans all to defend you al and to Secure your interest with our own if any we had, now my Brethren will ye law of nature or Reason or of justice let you except any plan that will make any Distinction between us and you when we have spent our all to make you free Consider well whether what you are going to take is preferable to what you now have pray Determine for your selves --- vew your liberties Doth not government spring from the people consider then with your selves which is best whether to hold that wright which god and nature has given you or to sell ye same for a mess of pottage..."

             The author continues, not without some irony, to discuss the second and third sections of article one. "Although some of the framers wished to limit suffrage to property owners, there was no practical way to fix one requirement that would effectively cover voters in all the states, or that could anticipate changes in the value of property over time. The clause thus made the basic national and state electorates identical, but states could still impose other qualifications on the right to vote for members of their upper houses or governors."³ He discusses taxation and the militia among other topics but seems more concerned with the remuneration of legislators and senators and with suspicions of their potential perfidy.

      "2d Sect, Se your liberties curtaild Representatives once in 2 years to be chosen  pause a little on this  is their not sum thirst for of power in this, you are made competent Judges by Natural Reason to answer this Question the longer a man serves the more wages he has to Receive will you then Draw some infe[r]ences on this head look well to it I think this is something craving ---

       See ye 3^d Sect, Senetors to serve Six y Six years a very short time in Deed no danger from this Quarter so few men as this branch is to consist of only 26 in number if Every State in ye whole thirteen sends their Senitors only 2 out of a State they will be the most perfect men on Earth they will do Every thing Right they will consult nothing but the good of ye whole community spend all their time and strength for the good of their constituents and to Remove that heavy load from their Shoulders, o wonderfull is this all true, Stop let us look on it - o no they, have Just got to make a law how much shall Be collected from the States to pay them for their services and to appoint a collector to collect them is that al no they have got to make a law to Regulate ye militia and a law to call them for the to in force obedience to all laws that they and the house of Representatives with the consent of the President shall make, and to ye fore going a Sallery must be perfixt for ye president, vice president ye Judges of ye Supream Judicial Court and Judges of inferior Courts ye Sallery for four years for ye Judge of each court During good behaviour is six years time a noughf for al this to be done in Consider well of this my Brethren and if the term of six years is no infringement on our liberties nither will 12 years be any and we may as well give ye 12 years as ye six only on this ground it will be in truding on them because they Did not ask it and why did thay not ask for it I answer be cause it might look long to some men open their eyes make them start at so unreasonable a Request from whence Results this language let us be moderate in our first Demands, bring them on by Degrees that's ye way to gain this point look how very easy calm and moderate ye Qualifications of Representatives Senetors, president and vice president no fixed value of Estate Requisit, why so, why Because ye poorer and common sort of people who have small Estates will vote in this cause saying no Estates is Required to Qualify a member for Representation I may stand a chance for one come lets take this Constitution ye poor are not Dispised in this is a good cos constitution as ever I saw poverty no exception from offices in it - "

              The author proceeds to the fourth section. "This clause proved a source of deep controversy during the ratification debates, with Anti-Federalists concocting all kinds of scenarios for its potential misuse." ⁴

       "But Stop Sir lets look of ye 4^th Sect see what that is oh is this the times, places and manner of holding elections for Senetors and Representatives shall be prescribed in Each State by the legislature Legislature thereof oh wonderfull liberty and priveledg who can enjoy a grater  but pray what comes in the Rear of this - O but ye Congress may at any time by law, make or alter such Regulations except as to the place of chusing Senetors gentlemen you will Remember the Senetors are chosen by ye legislature and you will find ye Congress are to garrantee a Republican form of Government to each State See ye 4 articel and 4 Sect in it there for  there is no way where by Congress you may see that nothing but a meer for of Government is to be left us although at the beginning of this Constitution we are allowed to chuse Representatives but as soon as a Congress is erected they take ye Sole power of governing except ye choice of Senetors By the Legeslature made only by a form of Republic Republican Government Gentlemen vew this matter to the bottom of it and believe me not if I am not wright, nither condemn me till yea know I am Rong for he that gave you the Spirit of Disernment and understanding, has given me mine."

              The 5^th Section is next taken up by the author which deals with the qualifications for representatives and senators, our author inserts the Society of the Cincinnati into his objections although it is not mentioned in the Constitution.

       "Come lets look of ye 5 Sect of ye first Article Each house shall be the Judg of the Elections, Returns and Qualifications of its own members here my Brethren you will See the Qualifications of Representatives and Senetors take place in Congress assembled where Every law is to Receive its original and if they are pleased to Say that ye Qualifications of a Representative Shall be an Estate of one hundred per annum and he a man of a liberal Education who among us can gain say it, we have given them that prerogative we cannot complain of them for mail administration for if we do you will find ye Sole power of impeachments is in their own brests look of ye last clause of ye 2 Sect, the house of Representatives shall chuse their Speaker and other officers, and shall have ye sole power of impeachments, when sitting for that purpose and if ye a bove Be True then if we See ye Qualifications for a Senitor to be 2 hundred per anum with the same Education and a member of ye Sinsinnati and what then my Brethren and friends why we must calmly lay our hands on our mouths and say that tis we that have Done this if we do not while it is in our power Reject it for if we Rivet the Shaikkels on our selves who can we expect will  Be at the pains to file them off for us --

       Gentlemen I wish to see harmony in all our counsels peace and tranquility in all our counsels good laws to govern ye whole but if this Constitution will answer this Sallutary purpose I am blinded, and would Beg your prayers for me that god would open mine Eyes to be hold the excelency of it. -----"

              The author touches briefly on Section 6 before proceeding directly to the 7^th section. "The original version of this clause, as presented to the convention on July 15, 1787, stated that the Senate could not "alter or amend" revenue and appropriations measures. It was intended as a concession to the large states for the accompanying proposal to give the states "an equal Vote" in the upper house. But Madison and other large state delegates replied that this was a concession in name only, since, the upper house could still reject any measure it disliked."  In granting the president a limited negative (or veto) over legislation, this clause took a major step back from the skeptical view of executive power that shaped American thinking in 1776. The crown's abuse of the power to veto or suspend legislation sat atop the list of specific grievances against George III enumerated in the Declaration of Independence. By vesting this power solely in the president, the framers also rejected the Virginia Plan's proposal to give a similar authority to a joint executive-judicial council of revision. Involving judges in the process of lawmaking, they worried would impair the ability of the judiciary to assess the constitutionality of legislation in properly presented legal cases."⁵ 

       "Sect. ye 6 The Senetors and Representatives shall Receive a compensation for their services to be ascertained by law and be paid out of the Treasury of the United States as this wants but very small comments on it weal pass it over and consider ye Seventh Sect all bills for resing Revenues shall originate in the house of Representatives, but ye Senate may propose or concur with amendments as on other bills this Sect. is to lengthy to Repeat ye whole but let us Consider something of this Sect. wher all Bills that are to be passed must be presented to the President for his approbation before it can be a law yet notwithstanding if he approves it not let us see who this President is and who makes him, Brethren do we chuse this officer ye Supream magistrate of the States to Execute all laws that shall be made commition all officers Sivil and military call forth his militia for we Shall have none only what are Regulated by him and the Disapline he shall prefix he is our Sovereign to pardon or condemn us well then have we any wright to put in our vote for a person of such Eminent Station no verily we have non have our Representatives in general Assembly a wright to Chuse him no they have not, the General Asemblies of this vast great continent have power to chuse seventy eight members as electors for the purpose of chusing the president and vice president once in four years liberties and priveledges and freedom where art thou, do we Dispise thee I hope not, Gentelman will you vew this sean what is Representation can Representation go any farther than my our own Representatives who are impowerd By me us to make laws and Rules of Regulations to govern the body politick to which we belong and I am sure it can not proceed any farther there for we have no vote in chusing this great officer who by this Constitution is impowerd with great authority and of great Consequence to us Can we hisetate one moment on this are you not all convinced of the infringements on your liberties, will you have any liberties left you if you except of a plan to Elect governor which is only a Representment a Representing a Representation 

       Gentlemen I Submit it to your Searious Consideration ye most it being of the grates concern and importance to you of all temporal things never had yo So waty a matter before as this now is if you except it you launch your Selves in to an ocan with unlimited Bounds with with out any pylot or helms to Steer your Shatterd vessel in a tempestuous gale  - I find there is a Rule proscribed for the Representatives and Senate to make a law but it is attended with Difficulty and perplexity Every order, Resolution, or vote which ye concurrence of the Senate and house of Representatives may be necessary Except on a Question of ajurnement  shall be presented to the President of ye United States here you may see that their can nothing pass with out coming under his Eye for approbation and if not approved by him must be Repassed by two thirds, of ye Senate and house of Representatives Befor it can be a law."

               The 8^th section of Article 1, a very important section, next comes under the author's review. "This section embraces most of the formal powers that the Constitution vests in the federal government as a whole... Section 8 consists of a number of individual clauses specifying particular powers. It fittingly begins with one critical power that the Continental Congress never enjoyed: the power to tax. The question of whether the power to provide for the "general Welfare" might enable the national government to assume responsibilities and exercise powers beyond those further identified in this section became an early subject of dispute, first between Anti-Federalists and Federalists, and then between Treasury Secretary Hamilton and Congressman Madison in the early 1790s."

             The "Commerce clause" is mentioned by the author, along with taxation, the need to vest the Union with authority to regulate foreign commerce was one of the two great issues that drove the original movement for constitutional reform in the 1780s. It is not surprising that the role of the militia would be of concern to our writer, Anti-Federalists, as does our author, worried that the national government might allow or encourage the state-based militia to atrophy, and then use its own regular army to enforce unpopular or unjust national laws at the point of a bayonet. The resulting debate over the future nature of the militia led directly to the Adoption of the Second Amendment.

              The writer mentions the "necessary and proper clause," Anti-Federalists called this the "sweeping clause." They worried, as our writer does, that it gave Congress virtually unlimited authority to legislate and would thus circumvent the delegation of specific powers in the immediately preceding clauses. Federalists replied that it was simply a way of ensuring that Congress would have the discretionary authority to carry out its assigned duties.

      "Sect ye 8^th under this Sect almost everything is given into the hands of Congress to lay and collect taxes, duties impost and excise to Borrow money on ye credit of the United States to Regulate Commarce with foreign Nations and among ye severl States and with ye Indians to coin money regulate the value their of and fix the standard of weights and measures to provide for the punishment of counterfitting Securities and coin of ye United States to Establish post offices and post Roads to Constitute tribunals inferior to the Supream Court to Declair war and make Rules Conserning captures on land and water to Raise and Support armies to provide and main tain a navy to provide for calling forth the militia to Execute ye laws of ye union suppress insurrections and Repell invasions here opens a nother large Sean a train of miseries will hear flow in if not prevented  and is it possible to to prevent it if the proposed plan takes takes place I cant see one gleam of authority left to the legislature of ye State except chusing Sentors and appointing Electors to chuse the president - to provide for organizing arming and Disaplining the militia, and governing such part of them as may be imployed in the Service of the united States, gentlemen who are this militia is it the whole Body of free men or only a few of our sons who are to be take and armed ad Disaplind and Quarterd in our own houses in that way and manner which Congress Shall Direct at anytime, but they do condesend to Reserve to ye Several States ye power of chusing officers and training the militia according to their Disapline  But they have power to make all laws which shall Be necessary and proper for carriing into Execution the fore going powers and all other powers vested By this Constitution in the government of ye United States or in any Department or offices their of, Gentlemen pray tell me what power is not vested in this Congress and so of consequence what law we can have that they do not make for and if the power and authority of ye confederated states is not Desoved at the adoption of this Constitution what need is their of grants to us of certain priviledges under this constitution..."

      "...under ye 9^th Sect.the migration or importation of such persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit, Shall not be prohibited by the Congress for thirty years but a tax or Duty may be imposed on such importation not exceeding ten dollars for each person Gentlemen does is migration belong to trade and commerce if so their will no Dispute arise from this head."

      "Boston Oct ye 20 1787

      It is devoutly to be wished (says a writer upon federal Sentiments) that the States may Cherish each other with a Sisterly Affection... Excelent wish indeed, Strive not then, ye that wish for Sisterly affection, to Desolve Sisterly union) (the federal Bond of union was wrought with toil and Distress) (then let it stand Sacred and perpetual according to Confederation. Except alterd through Congress and the legislatures of Every State Rattifying the Same) (A fatal Disunion would inevitably produce the horrid calamities of a Sivil war, and foreign Conquest) (pray what is more likely to cause a Disunion than to make brake former compacts  and Establish new Systems by a majority wher the Exceptance of the whole is absolutely Necessary) (the Constitution now offered does not assume an inch of any unnecessary power.) Oh Mr writer hast thou the knowledge of the Supream being that thou can tell what frail man men will practice on the power their assumed,

       That you can say) perhaps it is Rather too free and if not Received, the people are too bad to be happy) (pray mr writer Did ever unlimited power given to haughty men who are not abel to Redeem their Brethren or give a Ransom meet for them make a nation happy) (ye votaries of Religion, consider how necessary civil order is for the promotion of piety and Every moral virtue,) (oh a wonderfull use where no Religion is Requisite for a Qualification to office a papist or mehomitan or his holiness the pope may Send his legates to America to instruct the votaries of Religion and who will have any Right to say from where are ye)

      Woodstock December ye 23 1787

      When there was but two persons on Earth transgression Did insue    Some will Talk of

       Woodstock"

       1. Maier, Pauline, Ratification The People Debate the Constitution 1787-1788, p. ix

       2. Rakove, Jack N., ed., The Annotated U. S. Constitution and Declaration of Independence, p. 106

       3. Rakove., p. 106-107

       4. Rakove, p. 108

       5. Rakove, p. 118

       6. Rakove p. 126, 128

       7. Rakove, 130-158

       Encyclopedia of the American Constitution, vol. 1, pp., 58-59; volume 3 pp., 1512-1514

       Maier, Pauline, Ratification The People Debate the Constitution 1787-1788, pp., 125-213

       Rakove, Jack N., Original Meanings Politics and Ideas in the Making of the Constitution, pp., 118-121; 131-160

       Wood, Gordon S., The Creation of the American Republic 1776-1787, pp., 471-564